For many years, Iran has helped Hamas and Islamic Jihad build a regular army and military outposts in the Gaza Strip to attack Israel.
The Biden administration is working to end the war before the task of completely destroying the military infrastructure that threatens Israel’s existence is completed. The political echelon must stick to this task.
President Biden’s speech on the war in the Gaza Strip focuses pressure on Israel instead of Hamas, reflecting an acceptance of Hamas’s continued rule in Gaza and a failure to address the threat posed by Hezbollah to northern settlements.
Hamas claims to view the speech positively but maintains the same conditions for a hostage release deal and ceasefire.
The “Muslim Brotherhood” movement in Jordan is facing significant embarrassment after the kingdom’s security forces exposed a terror cell established by the movement’s activists in cooperation with Hamas’s military wing.
King Abdullah fears that Iran, with the help of the “Muslim Brotherhood,” is pushing for large popular demonstrations akin to the “Arab Spring” to topple him from power. Jordanian officials estimate that he will take a hard stance to suppress any such attempts.
Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas in the Gaza Strip, is satisfied with the increasing internal divisions in Israeli society and the war cabinet.
The internal disputes in Israel, which are tearing the society apart and echoing the days before October 7th, are seen by Hamas as one of the significant outcomes of their brutal attack on Israel.
The prospect of the PA returning to control the Gaza Strip is not practical. The Palestinian public does not support this idea, accusing the PA of corruption and acting as an executor for the Israeli security system.
The PA has already lost security control in northern Samaria and lacks the capability to manage the Gaza Strip or confront Hamas’ military wing.
The Hamas movement employs a sophisticated negotiation technique aimed at extracting concessions from Israel, known as the Salami method.
Despite seven months of conflict, Israel has yet to achieve its war objectives. However, it must remain resolute in its efforts until Hamas’s rule is dismantled.
Severe tensions persist between the PA and the Biden administration, fueled by recent American vetoes in the UN Security Council and the administration’s insistence on comprehensive reforms within the PA, including granting real powers to the new government. Mahmoud Abbas adamantly maintains full and centralized control over the PA and is banking on the upcoming US presidential elections to potentially alleviate the pressure he faces.
Since the onset of the conflict, Syrian President Bashar Assad has notably maintained a neutral stance, refraining from direct action against Israel despite his alignment with the Iran-led axis, and despite Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) operations within Syrian territory. Speculation abounds regarding Assad’s reluctance to confront Israel directly, with many attributing it to a fear of Israeli retaliation. Assad’s primary concern appears to be the preservation of his regime and the reconstruction of war-torn Syria.
The Jordanian authorities have reiterated their stance against allowing Hamas leaders to return to the kingdom and establish offices there, a position initially enforced after their expulsion in 1996.
Over the past month, Hamas leaders have been openly engaging in activities, in collaboration with Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood movement, aimed at inciting unrest among the Jordanian populace against the monarchy and Israel.
The Hamas movement is currently orchestrating a deceitful campaign, suggesting readiness for a two-state solution and a willingness to disarm following the establishment of a Palestinian state along the 1967 borders.This campaign is crafted to garner international legitimacy for Hamas’ continued governance in the Gaza Strip, despite the fact that its fundamental ideology and commitment to Israel’s destruction remain unchanged.
For many years, Iran has helped Hamas and Islamic Jihad build a regular army and military outposts in the Gaza Strip to attack Israel.
The Biden administration is working to end the war before the task of completely destroying the military infrastructure that threatens Israel’s existence is completed. The political echelon must stick to this task.
President Biden’s speech on the war in the Gaza Strip focuses pressure on Israel instead of Hamas, reflecting an acceptance of Hamas’s continued rule in Gaza and a failure to address the threat posed by Hezbollah to northern settlements.
Hamas claims to view the speech positively but maintains the same conditions for a hostage release deal and ceasefire.
The “Muslim Brotherhood” movement in Jordan is facing significant embarrassment after the kingdom’s security forces exposed a terror cell established by the movement’s activists in cooperation with Hamas’s military wing.
King Abdullah fears that Iran, with the help of the “Muslim Brotherhood,” is pushing for large popular demonstrations akin to the “Arab Spring” to topple him from power. Jordanian officials estimate that he will take a hard stance to suppress any such attempts.
Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas in the Gaza Strip, is satisfied with the increasing internal divisions in Israeli society and the war cabinet.
The internal disputes in Israel, which are tearing the society apart and echoing the days before October 7th, are seen by Hamas as one of the significant outcomes of their brutal attack on Israel.
The prospect of the PA returning to control the Gaza Strip is not practical. The Palestinian public does not support this idea, accusing the PA of corruption and acting as an executor for the Israeli security system.
The PA has already lost security control in northern Samaria and lacks the capability to manage the Gaza Strip or confront Hamas’ military wing.
The Hamas movement employs a sophisticated negotiation technique aimed at extracting concessions from Israel, known as the Salami method.
Despite seven months of conflict, Israel has yet to achieve its war objectives. However, it must remain resolute in its efforts until Hamas’s rule is dismantled.
Severe tensions persist between the PA and the Biden administration, fueled by recent American vetoes in the UN Security Council and the administration’s insistence on comprehensive reforms within the PA, including granting real powers to the new government. Mahmoud Abbas adamantly maintains full and centralized control over the PA and is banking on the upcoming US presidential elections to potentially alleviate the pressure he faces.
Since the onset of the conflict, Syrian President Bashar Assad has notably maintained a neutral stance, refraining from direct action against Israel despite his alignment with the Iran-led axis, and despite Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) operations within Syrian territory. Speculation abounds regarding Assad’s reluctance to confront Israel directly, with many attributing it to a fear of Israeli retaliation. Assad’s primary concern appears to be the preservation of his regime and the reconstruction of war-torn Syria.
The Jordanian authorities have reiterated their stance against allowing Hamas leaders to return to the kingdom and establish offices there, a position initially enforced after their expulsion in 1996.
Over the past month, Hamas leaders have been openly engaging in activities, in collaboration with Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood movement, aimed at inciting unrest among the Jordanian populace against the monarchy and Israel.
The Hamas movement is currently orchestrating a deceitful campaign, suggesting readiness for a two-state solution and a willingness to disarm following the establishment of a Palestinian state along the 1967 borders.This campaign is crafted to garner international legitimacy for Hamas’ continued governance in the Gaza Strip, despite the fact that its fundamental ideology and commitment to Israel’s destruction remain unchanged.
